大屠杀就在脚下
大屠杀就在脚下
一九九七年这项工作就开始了。五十六岁的科隆雕塑家Gunter Demnig，是这项大屠杀纪念计划（Holocaust Memorial Project）的发起人。他的理由虽然简单，却很独特，因为他感到有些德国人一心向前看，逐渐忘记了自家后院发生过的罪恶。Demnig说：“后人从书本上得知，纳粹屠戮了六百万犹太人以及五百万其他种族的生灵，但并不能完全明白实际情形如何。不过，如果你了解到住在某幢房屋的某一男女的命运，你的感受就不一样了。”
幸好Demnig不是共产中国的臣民，他的计划既没有胎死腹中，也未受到患有“集体失忆”顽症的公众嘲笑，反而得到大众以及不少自愿者的支持。大学生帮他查找过去的档案，弄清楚死难者当年的住址，他们的出生年月，以及死于何处等“历史遗留问题”。其他人士，则希望Demnig能将他们死去的亲朋好友列入计划之中。
Demnig纪念大屠杀的计划，不仅理由独特，其具体的实施，更让人寓目难忘。原来那些魂断集中营的死者，他们的姓名、出生年月、死亡地址等个人资料，是镌刻在一块方形的铜片上。每个死者一块铜片，嵌入当年他们住家外面的人行道上。Demnig称这些铜片为stolpersteine，即“绊脚石”。每块“绊脚石”的价格是九十五欧圆，据说仅够制作与安装的成本。主动发出的“订单”只有三百，但迄今为止，三十个德国城市的人行道上，已有三千三百块铜制的“绊脚石”出现。而且，这一计划已延伸至奥地利与法国。
今年六月号的美国《国家地理杂志》（National Geographic），就有一张Demnig设计的“绊脚石”照片，那是汉堡的Wolf祖孙三人，两岁的Dan，他的母亲Olga与祖母Fanny。一九四一年冬天，他们被纳粹用火车载往拉脱维亚的里加，最后死在集中营里。六十多年后，祖孙三人魂归故里。他们的姓名与运命，不仅镌刻在三块铜片上，静静躺卧在Eppendorfer Baum街十号外的人行道上，并将深深嵌入过往行人的记忆。
不过，Demnig的“绊脚石”也不是没有遇到真正的绊脚石。科隆有位绅士就入禀法院，反对在他的住宅外安置这些“绊脚石”，因为这会使他的华屋贬值。反对的声音，甚至来自慕尼黑的犹太人社团，因为历史的伤口至今还在流血，因为“过去犹太人被皮靴一脚踢开”，今天又怎么能够忍受“死者的姓名再一次被人践踏与玷污”？
让死者再次受辱，当然不是Demnig的本意。二零零五年，柏林的大屠杀纪念馆将要落成。相比之下，Demnig认为他的“绊脚石”更能唤起个体记忆：“对于以色列以及全球各地的相关人士，正是有了stolpersteine，他们才会重临昔日的家园。”——他的话的确没错。死于集中营的小男孩Dan，他的同名外甥现居美国，年仅二十八岁，正是在汉堡那条街边的人行道上，寻找到了先辈的根脉。岁月流逝，新一代Dan Wolf的寻根之旅，未必要有满腔复仇的怒火，反倒是那一点缅怀的烛光，提醒世人不忘过去的灾难，于冥冥中慰籍亡灵。
还是死者的后人说得好：“历史一旦进入博物馆，我们就会觉得安全。然而在德国，大屠杀并非仅仅发生在某一个集中的场所，它就发生在街上、市场这样的地方。任何一处，都可能是被人们忽略的墓地。”看来大多数德国人，并不忌讳Demnig的“绊脚石”，也不介意它们嵌入城市的人行道，因为历史是不能忘记的，也是无法任意抹杀的。
真希望有一天，这样的“绊脚石”，能够出现在中国的广场与人行道上，让所有人缅怀死于中国式大屠杀的千万亡灵。
二零零四年六月
一九九七年这项工作就开始了。五十六岁的科隆雕塑家Gunter Demnig，是这项大屠杀纪念计划（Holocaust Memorial Project）的发起人。他的理由虽然简单，却很独特，因为他感到有些德国人一心向前看，逐渐忘记了自家后院发生过的罪恶。Demnig说：“后人从书本上得知，纳粹屠戮了六百万犹太人以及五百万其他种族的生灵，但并不能完全明白实际情形如何。不过，如果你了解到住在某幢房屋的某一男女的命运，你的感受就不一样了。”
幸好Demnig不是共产中国的臣民，他的计划既没有胎死腹中，也未受到患有“集体失忆”顽症的公众嘲笑，反而得到大众以及不少自愿者的支持。大学生帮他查找过去的档案，弄清楚死难者当年的住址，他们的出生年月，以及死于何处等“历史遗留问题”。其他人士，则希望Demnig能将他们死去的亲朋好友列入计划之中。
Demnig纪念大屠杀的计划，不仅理由独特，其具体的实施，更让人寓目难忘。原来那些魂断集中营的死者，他们的姓名、出生年月、死亡地址等个人资料，是镌刻在一块方形的铜片上。每个死者一块铜片，嵌入当年他们住家外面的人行道上。Demnig称这些铜片为stolpersteine，即“绊脚石”。每块“绊脚石”的价格是九十五欧圆，据说仅够制作与安装的成本。主动发出的“订单”只有三百，但迄今为止，三十个德国城市的人行道上，已有三千三百块铜制的“绊脚石”出现。而且，这一计划已延伸至奥地利与法国。
今年六月号的美国《国家地理杂志》（National Geographic），就有一张Demnig设计的“绊脚石”照片，那是汉堡的Wolf祖孙三人，两岁的Dan，他的母亲Olga与祖母Fanny。一九四一年冬天，他们被纳粹用火车载往拉脱维亚的里加，最后死在集中营里。六十多年后，祖孙三人魂归故里。他们的姓名与运命，不仅镌刻在三块铜片上，静静躺卧在Eppendorfer Baum街十号外的人行道上，并将深深嵌入过往行人的记忆。
不过，Demnig的“绊脚石”也不是没有遇到真正的绊脚石。科隆有位绅士就入禀法院，反对在他的住宅外安置这些“绊脚石”，因为这会使他的华屋贬值。反对的声音，甚至来自慕尼黑的犹太人社团，因为历史的伤口至今还在流血，因为“过去犹太人被皮靴一脚踢开”，今天又怎么能够忍受“死者的姓名再一次被人践踏与玷污”？
让死者再次受辱，当然不是Demnig的本意。二零零五年，柏林的大屠杀纪念馆将要落成。相比之下，Demnig认为他的“绊脚石”更能唤起个体记忆：“对于以色列以及全球各地的相关人士，正是有了stolpersteine，他们才会重临昔日的家园。”——他的话的确没错。死于集中营的小男孩Dan，他的同名外甥现居美国，年仅二十八岁，正是在汉堡那条街边的人行道上，寻找到了先辈的根脉。岁月流逝，新一代Dan Wolf的寻根之旅，未必要有满腔复仇的怒火，反倒是那一点缅怀的烛光，提醒世人不忘过去的灾难，于冥冥中慰籍亡灵。
还是死者的后人说得好：“历史一旦进入博物馆，我们就会觉得安全。然而在德国，大屠杀并非仅仅发生在某一个集中的场所，它就发生在街上、市场这样的地方。任何一处，都可能是被人们忽略的墓地。”看来大多数德国人，并不忌讳Demnig的“绊脚石”，也不介意它们嵌入城市的人行道，因为历史是不能忘记的，也是无法任意抹杀的。
真希望有一天，这样的“绊脚石”，能够出现在中国的广场与人行道上，让所有人缅怀死于中国式大屠杀的千万亡灵。
二零零四年六月
今年第四期《中国国家地理》，封面专题是“柬埔寨：苦难与微笑”。很久不看这份杂志，因为这一期的内容，还是买了一册。读完记者的采访，基本不提红色高棉的种族灭绝罪行，也未介绍著名的红色高棉大屠杀纪念馆。——连别人的历史都要刻意回避，什么“苦难与微笑”，不看这鸟杂志也罢。
作者：流亡的風 回复日期：2004-6-18 21:11:22
德國大屠殺的製造者是希特勒政府
————————
老兄这句话可商榷。依照这个逻辑，德国总理勃兰特毋须在犹太人墓前下跪，因为大屠杀的制造者是希特勒政府，凶手已绳之以法，战后的德国，凭什么要为纳粹负责？普通德国人也可心安理得，因为错在希特勒政府。原来大家都是受害者，为什么要内疚？
幸好德国人不是这样想的。这也是日尔曼民族了不起的地方。
当年的德国，杀的还是非我族类的犹太人，他们却内疚至今。我们杀的全是自己人，然而这几十年来，没见过谁出来公开向国人道歉的。
德國大屠殺的製造者是希特勒政府
————————
老兄这句话可商榷。依照这个逻辑，德国总理勃兰特毋须在犹太人墓前下跪，因为大屠杀的制造者是希特勒政府，凶手已绳之以法，战后的德国，凭什么要为纳粹负责？普通德国人也可心安理得，因为错在希特勒政府。原来大家都是受害者，为什么要内疚？
幸好德国人不是这样想的。这也是日尔曼民族了不起的地方。
当年的德国，杀的还是非我族类的犹太人，他们却内疚至今。我们杀的全是自己人，然而这几十年来，没见过谁出来公开向国人道歉的。
作者：melzhou 回复日期：2004-6-18 20:59:14
今年第四期《中国国家地理》，封面专题是“柬埔寨：苦难与微笑”。很久不看这份杂志，因为这一期的内容，还是买了一册。读完记者的采访，基本不提红色高棉的种族灭绝罪行，也未介绍著名的红色高棉大屠杀纪念馆。——连别人的历史都要刻意回避，什么“苦难与微笑”，不看这鸟杂志也罢。
____
看看这些图片罢：http://www.lotus-eater.net/ReadNews.asp?NewsID=1062&BigClassName=%BA%D3%B2%AE%D6%AE%D1%D4&SmallClassName=%D7%D4%CE%D2%D5%C5%D1%EF&SpecialID=5
今年第四期《中国国家地理》，封面专题是“柬埔寨：苦难与微笑”。很久不看这份杂志，因为这一期的内容，还是买了一册。读完记者的采访，基本不提红色高棉的种族灭绝罪行，也未介绍著名的红色高棉大屠杀纪念馆。——连别人的历史都要刻意回避，什么“苦难与微笑”，不看这鸟杂志也罢。
____
看看这些图片罢：http://www.lotus-eater.net/ReadNews.asp?NewsID=1062&BigClassName=%BA%D3%B2%AE%D6%AE%D1%D4&SmallClassName=%D7%D4%CE%D2%D5%C5%D1%EF&SpecialID=5
德国联邦议长在北京直言令中方不快
2005年04月28日 格林尼治标准时间16:56北京时间 00:56发表
BBC中文部驻德国特约记者 史明:
蒂尔泽要求中国正确对待自己的过去
德国联邦议会议长沃尔夫冈·蒂尔泽秘密访问西藏之后，返回北京，在应邀在中国共产党中央党校讲演时，回绝了中国官员要求他指责日本不反省过去的罪行，并要求中国方面正确对待自己的过去。德国高级政要此举造成北京方面的疑惑与不快。
本来，德中双方对德国议长访问西藏约定好秘而不宣，以避免消息传出，德国媒体一定会要求这位高级政要评论中国人权状况，给德中关系造成尴尬。但蒂尔泽在本周四应中央党校邀请，就一个国家应该如何对待自己的过去讲演时，双方还是发生颇具深意的分歧。
据德国《明镜》周刊报道，一位党校官员要求德国议长评论如何看待战后德国深刻反省自己罪行，而日本方面却不肯这样做。
蒂尔泽对此明确指出，一个国家如果想要要求他国反省其罪恶过去，最好的方法就是这个国家自己以身作则，深刻反省本身的痛苦过去，只有这样，才能真正站在道德的高度上，令对方感到羞愧，而后忏悔。
蒂尔泽还意味深长地表示，任何过去，都不仅仅是其他国家的过去，而首先是自己国家的过去。
据称，这是德国高级政要首次就近来中国和日本应该如何对待其二战历史产生的分歧和外交冲突发表温和劝戒式评论，也是德国政要首次公开避免批评日本，暗示中国也应面对自己政治道德过去。
来自德国外交部的消息证实，德国议长还要求中国人必须和日本人坐在同一张桌子前，共同讨论历史和彼此的偏见。
此间政治观察家们分析说，德国高级政要此番富于外交辞令味道的表示，意味着德国将在远东重要国家冲突中不但恪守中立，而且将履行所谓"人权高于主权"的道德外交义务。在这样的前提下，德中关系走向怎样，更加需要拭目以待。
2005年04月28日 格林尼治标准时间16:56北京时间 00:56发表
BBC中文部驻德国特约记者 史明:
蒂尔泽要求中国正确对待自己的过去
德国联邦议会议长沃尔夫冈·蒂尔泽秘密访问西藏之后，返回北京，在应邀在中国共产党中央党校讲演时，回绝了中国官员要求他指责日本不反省过去的罪行，并要求中国方面正确对待自己的过去。德国高级政要此举造成北京方面的疑惑与不快。
本来，德中双方对德国议长访问西藏约定好秘而不宣，以避免消息传出，德国媒体一定会要求这位高级政要评论中国人权状况，给德中关系造成尴尬。但蒂尔泽在本周四应中央党校邀请，就一个国家应该如何对待自己的过去讲演时，双方还是发生颇具深意的分歧。
据德国《明镜》周刊报道，一位党校官员要求德国议长评论如何看待战后德国深刻反省自己罪行，而日本方面却不肯这样做。
蒂尔泽对此明确指出，一个国家如果想要要求他国反省其罪恶过去，最好的方法就是这个国家自己以身作则，深刻反省本身的痛苦过去，只有这样，才能真正站在道德的高度上，令对方感到羞愧，而后忏悔。
蒂尔泽还意味深长地表示，任何过去，都不仅仅是其他国家的过去，而首先是自己国家的过去。
据称，这是德国高级政要首次就近来中国和日本应该如何对待其二战历史产生的分歧和外交冲突发表温和劝戒式评论，也是德国政要首次公开避免批评日本，暗示中国也应面对自己政治道德过去。
来自德国外交部的消息证实，德国议长还要求中国人必须和日本人坐在同一张桌子前，共同讨论历史和彼此的偏见。
此间政治观察家们分析说，德国高级政要此番富于外交辞令味道的表示，意味着德国将在远东重要国家冲突中不但恪守中立，而且将履行所谓"人权高于主权"的道德外交义务。在这样的前提下，德中关系走向怎样，更加需要拭目以待。
乐笑子，再看看俄国人现在的做法吧：
Omitting the past’s darker chapters By Alex Rodriguez Tribune foreign correspondent
Sun May 29, 9:40 AM ET
Russians remember the Siege of Leningrad--a brutal, 872-day blockade of Russia’s second-largest city by Nazi troops that killed 1.7 million people--as a dark, crucial moment in their history. Yet one of the most popular history textbooks in Russian classrooms casually distills the event into a mere four words.
"German troops blockaded Leningrad."
Glaring omissions abound in Nikita Zagladin’s textbook, "History of Russia and the World in the 20th Century." The Holocaust is never mentioned. The book barely acknowledges the Gulag labor camps.
And it flits past Russia’s 10-year conflict with separatists in Chechnya, reducing a pivotal episode in modern Russian history to seven paragraphs.
For some Russian academics, Zagladin’s penchant for smoothing over the bumps in Russian history is precisely the reason his textbooks have become mainstays in Russian classrooms.
In recent years, authorities have increasingly sought to whip up patriotic fervor among Russians, often at the expense of illuminating Russian history’s darker chapters.
Josef Stalin oversaw a murderous regime that killed millions of Russians. But with the country’s celebration of the 60th anniversary of the defeat of Nazi Germany, the Georgian-born ruler has enjoyed a resurgence in popularity. The Siberian city of Mirny erected a statue of Stalin earlier this month, calling him "a great son of Russia who gave the people everything he had." The city of Orel recently asked the federal government for permission to change street names to honor Stalin.
It is in Russian classrooms, however, where authorities particularly want a renewed sense of national pride to take root.
When President Vladimir Putin met with historians at the Russian State Library in late 2003, he stressed that history textbooks should "cultivate in young people a feeling of pride for one’s history and one’s country."
A month later, Putin asked the Russian Academy of Sciences to scrutinize the country’s history textbooks "at the earliest possible date."
At the time, one of the most widely used history texts was Igor Dolutsky’s "National History: 20th Century." For years, the book had been favored by teachers for its upfront discussion of sensitive topics, including Stalin’s purges, Chechnya and anti-Semitism in Russia.
Dolutsky’s textbook also did not shy away from talking about Putin, challenging students to discuss whether the former KGB colonel should be considered an authoritarian leader.
The Kremlin leader’s comments were heeded by Education Ministry officials, who suddenly pulled Dolutsky’s book from classrooms after having given it their endorsement for seven straight years.
"They said my book was `blackening’ Russian history," Dolutsky said during a recent interview. "It was the first prohibition of a textbook in schools in 25 years."
The offending portions
Later, Dolutsky’s publisher told him which historical references in the book irked authorities: Stalin’s non-aggression pact with Hitler in 1939; Soviet occupation of the Baltic states; the execution of thousands of Polish officers by Russian intelligence agents at Katyn in 1940; Stalin’s deportation of legions of Chechens to Kazakhstan in 1944.
"Basically, they were dissatisfied with chapters devoted to Stalin’s regime and Putin’s leadership," said Dolutsky, 51. "Sections that dealt with [Nikita] Khrushchev and [Mikhail] Gorbachev, they ignored."
Dmitry Ermoltsev, a Moscow teacher who has used Dolutsky’s book, said he believes Kremlin attempts to polish the history taught in classrooms simply reflect a national reluctance to examine and learn from low points in Russian history.
"Russians don’t like sharp criticism of their country’s history--it makes them feel humiliated," Ermoltsev said. "Revising history and history books helps them overcome this discomfort. And Putin reacts to these signals from society."
Dolutsky, who teaches at a private school in Moscow, says his students have little appetite for lectures on human-rights abuses or Stalin’s repressions. Recently, when he tried to rouse students into a discussion about the human toll that World War II took on the Soviet Union--26 million Soviet citizens died in the war--they appeared bored.
"Their reaction was, `Let it be 100 million--we don’t care about that,’" Dolutsky said. When he explained the war’s impact in terms of the number of tanks and fighter planes destroyed, his students sat up in their seats.
"That’s what really impressed them," Dolutsky said. "They didn’t care about human life, but they cared about equipment."
Should textbooks shame?
Author Zagladin’s view of history in the classroom differs radically from Dolutsky’s. He agrees with Putin--a history textbook should make a pupil feel proud about Russia. It shouldn’t depress, and it shouldn’t shame.
"If a young person finishes school and feels everything that happened in this country was bad, he’ll get ready to emigrate," Zagladin said during a recent phone interview. "A textbook should provide a patriotic education.
"It’s necessary to show Russian youths," Zagladin continued, "that industrial development during the Stalin era was successful, and that the repressions and terror during that era did not touch all of the population."
Zagladin acknowledged making mistakes in "The History of Russia and the World in the 20th Century."
He said he barely mentioned the Siege of Leningrad because he believed he didn’t have enough space. In hindsight, he said, "that’s my mistake."
He added he should have included material about the Holocaust: "I decided to delete it because, if I mentioned it, I would have had to mention other repressions, also in detail," Zagladin said. "And I didn’t have enough space in this book."
Despite such omissions, Zagladin’s book has fans. Irina Safanova, a teacher at School 818 in Moscow, called the textbook "a very calm book, which tries to avoid shocking or extreme remarks. It’s a strong point of the book.
"History books should not condemn," Safanova said. "It’s important to avoid provoking feelings of shame in students."
Zagladin’s critics say Russian students do not need to be shamed, merely enlightened about history’s darker chapters, especially in a country where the truth has been lacquered over for so many years.
"According to polls, the majority of the population still considers Stalin to have played a positive role in Russian history," said Yuri Samodurov, director of the Andrei Sakharov Museum. "And the problem here is, our schools don’t do anything to change this attitude."
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Omitting the past’s darker chapters By Alex Rodriguez Tribune foreign correspondent
Sun May 29, 9:40 AM ET
Russians remember the Siege of Leningrad--a brutal, 872-day blockade of Russia’s second-largest city by Nazi troops that killed 1.7 million people--as a dark, crucial moment in their history. Yet one of the most popular history textbooks in Russian classrooms casually distills the event into a mere four words.
"German troops blockaded Leningrad."
Glaring omissions abound in Nikita Zagladin’s textbook, "History of Russia and the World in the 20th Century." The Holocaust is never mentioned. The book barely acknowledges the Gulag labor camps.
And it flits past Russia’s 10-year conflict with separatists in Chechnya, reducing a pivotal episode in modern Russian history to seven paragraphs.
For some Russian academics, Zagladin’s penchant for smoothing over the bumps in Russian history is precisely the reason his textbooks have become mainstays in Russian classrooms.
In recent years, authorities have increasingly sought to whip up patriotic fervor among Russians, often at the expense of illuminating Russian history’s darker chapters.
Josef Stalin oversaw a murderous regime that killed millions of Russians. But with the country’s celebration of the 60th anniversary of the defeat of Nazi Germany, the Georgian-born ruler has enjoyed a resurgence in popularity. The Siberian city of Mirny erected a statue of Stalin earlier this month, calling him "a great son of Russia who gave the people everything he had." The city of Orel recently asked the federal government for permission to change street names to honor Stalin.
It is in Russian classrooms, however, where authorities particularly want a renewed sense of national pride to take root.
When President Vladimir Putin met with historians at the Russian State Library in late 2003, he stressed that history textbooks should "cultivate in young people a feeling of pride for one’s history and one’s country."
A month later, Putin asked the Russian Academy of Sciences to scrutinize the country’s history textbooks "at the earliest possible date."
At the time, one of the most widely used history texts was Igor Dolutsky’s "National History: 20th Century." For years, the book had been favored by teachers for its upfront discussion of sensitive topics, including Stalin’s purges, Chechnya and anti-Semitism in Russia.
Dolutsky’s textbook also did not shy away from talking about Putin, challenging students to discuss whether the former KGB colonel should be considered an authoritarian leader.
The Kremlin leader’s comments were heeded by Education Ministry officials, who suddenly pulled Dolutsky’s book from classrooms after having given it their endorsement for seven straight years.
"They said my book was `blackening’ Russian history," Dolutsky said during a recent interview. "It was the first prohibition of a textbook in schools in 25 years."
The offending portions
Later, Dolutsky’s publisher told him which historical references in the book irked authorities: Stalin’s non-aggression pact with Hitler in 1939; Soviet occupation of the Baltic states; the execution of thousands of Polish officers by Russian intelligence agents at Katyn in 1940; Stalin’s deportation of legions of Chechens to Kazakhstan in 1944.
"Basically, they were dissatisfied with chapters devoted to Stalin’s regime and Putin’s leadership," said Dolutsky, 51. "Sections that dealt with [Nikita] Khrushchev and [Mikhail] Gorbachev, they ignored."
Dmitry Ermoltsev, a Moscow teacher who has used Dolutsky’s book, said he believes Kremlin attempts to polish the history taught in classrooms simply reflect a national reluctance to examine and learn from low points in Russian history.
"Russians don’t like sharp criticism of their country’s history--it makes them feel humiliated," Ermoltsev said. "Revising history and history books helps them overcome this discomfort. And Putin reacts to these signals from society."
Dolutsky, who teaches at a private school in Moscow, says his students have little appetite for lectures on human-rights abuses or Stalin’s repressions. Recently, when he tried to rouse students into a discussion about the human toll that World War II took on the Soviet Union--26 million Soviet citizens died in the war--they appeared bored.
"Their reaction was, `Let it be 100 million--we don’t care about that,’" Dolutsky said. When he explained the war’s impact in terms of the number of tanks and fighter planes destroyed, his students sat up in their seats.
"That’s what really impressed them," Dolutsky said. "They didn’t care about human life, but they cared about equipment."
Should textbooks shame?
Author Zagladin’s view of history in the classroom differs radically from Dolutsky’s. He agrees with Putin--a history textbook should make a pupil feel proud about Russia. It shouldn’t depress, and it shouldn’t shame.
"If a young person finishes school and feels everything that happened in this country was bad, he’ll get ready to emigrate," Zagladin said during a recent phone interview. "A textbook should provide a patriotic education.
"It’s necessary to show Russian youths," Zagladin continued, "that industrial development during the Stalin era was successful, and that the repressions and terror during that era did not touch all of the population."
Zagladin acknowledged making mistakes in "The History of Russia and the World in the 20th Century."
He said he barely mentioned the Siege of Leningrad because he believed he didn’t have enough space. In hindsight, he said, "that’s my mistake."
He added he should have included material about the Holocaust: "I decided to delete it because, if I mentioned it, I would have had to mention other repressions, also in detail," Zagladin said. "And I didn’t have enough space in this book."
Despite such omissions, Zagladin’s book has fans. Irina Safanova, a teacher at School 818 in Moscow, called the textbook "a very calm book, which tries to avoid shocking or extreme remarks. It’s a strong point of the book.
"History books should not condemn," Safanova said. "It’s important to avoid provoking feelings of shame in students."
Zagladin’s critics say Russian students do not need to be shamed, merely enlightened about history’s darker chapters, especially in a country where the truth has been lacquered over for so many years.
"According to polls, the majority of the population still considers Stalin to have played a positive role in Russian history," said Yuri Samodurov, director of the Andrei Sakharov Museum. "And the problem here is, our schools don’t do anything to change this attitude."
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作者：bluebonnet 回复日期：2006-6-3 18:51:59
最近去看了一个9年级（初三）的近代史课题作业展 （History Night）...
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非常好。希望中国所有的初三孩子，在个人以为尚属遥远的将来，也都能享受这一类“优质教育”（选题未必完全一样，精神却是相同的），并以此培养常识（common sense）与理性、讲求逻辑的思维。。。
最近去看了一个9年级（初三）的近代史课题作业展 （History Night）...
——
非常好。希望中国所有的初三孩子，在个人以为尚属遥远的将来，也都能享受这一类“优质教育”（选题未必完全一样，精神却是相同的），并以此培养常识（common sense）与理性、讲求逻辑的思维。。。